|Date:|| ||30 Apr. 2016|
|In:|| ||Facebook / Joshua Oppenheimer (April 30, 2016)|
|Subject:|| ||Re: response from Prodita Sabarini to Goenawan Mohammad|
I think the problem is a bit more complex. The Indonesian state was overthrown by Soeharto with his March 11 coup in 1966
(so-called supersemar = surat perintah sebelas maret). The new order state that replaced it was overthrown once more with
Soehartos resignation on May 21, 1998, and the reformasi that followed. It is true, that so-called status quo faction
of the political establishment and economic interests standing behind it continued to uphold policies of the pre-reformasi
period, but the political structure of the state had changed. The establishment of the post-reformasi Indonesian state
included numerous factions, including Gus Dur's PKB, Megawatis PDIP, Amien Raiss PAN, etc.
So indeed, Jokowi could not speak in the name of Soeharto and the latters followers in asking for forgiveness. What he could and
should do is to officially declare the 1965-1967 mass killings as a crime against humanity in general and against the
Indonesian unitary nation in particular, and to call for a complete clarification of the killings, and the role of the new order
political regime and apparatus. Another aspect is that one had managed to mobilize mobs of the simple population to perform
a significant part of the killings. This introduced a shocking trend into Idonesian culture, which is still apparent, for example,
in activities of the FPI. To free Indonesian national culture from this, one must relentlessly and uncompromisingly expose
the mass crime of 1965-1967, and that even the most antagonistic political rivalry in civil society cannot exonorate such extreme
forms of violence. It does not matter whether anti-communists fight communists, or sunnites fight shiites or ahmadiites, or whatever.
The Indonesian public must learn again to solve its conflicts peacefully as a civic society.
|Date:|| ||20 Apr. 2016|
|In:|| ||Facebook / Waruno Mahdi:|
|Subject:|| ||Meeting with the Indonesian President Joko Widodo|
Was at the Indonesian Embassy on Monday the 18th together with other Indonesians living in Gemany,
to meet with the Indonesian President Joko Widodo, who spoke to us shortly after 4 pm.
> Wim M.: What did the president say actually?
His talk was short but very much to the point. He noted that the Embassy building was too small
and not quite presentable, and promised to provide finance for a larger better building.
But more importantly, he explained the basics of his style of governing, which I indeed found
very impressive. He did not just give commands or promises, but actually visited the involved
places again and again, so as not to depend on reports but check and recheck the situation
there himself. And quite in conformance with that style, he illustrated it with several
concrete examples regarding several places in the country, particularly outside Java.
I was very glad to have been there and listen to what he said and how he said it. At last,
I thought, Indonesia has the president it direly needs.
|Date:|| ||10 Mar. 2016|
|In:|| ||Facebook / Soe Tjen Marching Go:|
|Subject:|| ||Indonesias Frightening And Sudden Turn Against LGBT People|
They dont really believe in God. Or at least, they are not prepared to accept
mankind the way God created us: some with black, some with brown, or yellow or
white skin; some with straight hair, others with curls; each one with unique
character traits, talents, handicaps, dexterities. Men and women too, are not
uniform or standard. Each gender is represented by a wide range of character.
Some men are real macho, others softspoken or gentle, some men are even more
feminine than many women. These in turn also are represented by various characters,
and some women are more manly than many men. If one believes in God, one has
to accept His judgement to have men and women being the way they are.
|Date:|| ||1114 Jan. 2014|
|In:|| ||Facebook / Imran Bin Tajudeen:|
|Subject:|| ||Acehs sharia law|
Its a common error, I think, to consider any of the versions of Shariah as Muslim law. They are caliphatic laws.
Thus, the Justinian code of law introduced in Byzantium was not a Christian law, but the legal codex of a Christian empire.
Charles the Great (Charlemagne) also introduced numerous legal reforms, which were not in any way aspects of Christian
religion, as the Shariahs are not of Muslim. They represent feudal and pre-feudal stages of socio-economic and -political
development. Enforcing a shariah in modern times is like enforcing medieval law in Europe: a very effective way to prevent
economic development and advancement as part of a modern world.
|Date:|| ||89 Dec. 2014|
|In:|| ||Facebook / Jacky Manuputty:|
|Subject:|| ||Freddy Warpopors photo|
> Honestly, I don't like to upload such a graphic picture
> like this but police & army brutality toward protesters
> in Papua (Paniai District) today must be stopped.
The main reason for armed resistance in Papua is not the OPM, but the military. The best way, actually the only way, to bring peace to Papua is to pull out all the military and mobile brigade, and to man the police exclusively with Papuans.
|Date:|| ||4 November 2011|
|Subject:|| ||Papuan youth set alight by Indonesian civil security officers (Paul Barber, Nov. 3, 2011)|
> The motive for this attack is not known, but it is yet another
> unexplained incident in a series of violent events that have
> devastated West Papua in recent months.
Indeed, this monstrously hideous act of cruelty by an official of
the apparatus is yet another incident in a very long series, but
unexplainable it is at worst only insofar, that humans would not
imaginably seem capable of such beastly conduct. Yet we know, of
course, that beasts don't do such things, and even predators only
kill to eat, not to hurt or torture.
But peace in West Papua would not only lead to a considerable
decrease in the required number of army and police personnel,
perhaps even more feared than possible unemployment is the loss
of their present effective status of standing above the law,
allowing them to look down upon the civil population.
Indeed, the real threat to NKRI (the consolidated
entity of Indonesia as a unitary state) is not the OPM or other
real or imagined separatists, the effective actual
enemies of NKRI
in West Papua are the army and police. They behave towards the
Papuans the way a colonial army does in a colony, and in this
way quite directly deny Papuans the status of fellow citizens
and compatriots, thus classifying Papua as an external territory.
By behaving as colonialist oppressors, they are also the ones
who are actually inciting Papuan opposition. Resistence against
oppression is natural and quite admirable for all humans all over
A separation from Indonesia, as I tried to objectively demonstrate
in an essay in 2000 (see http://www.waruno.de/PAP/afterWPC.html),
is not a realistically viable solution for West Papua. However,
continuous calls for an independent West Papua by solidarity
groups and organizations abroad have not only misguided West
Papuans fighting for their rights, those calls have actually
played into the hands of the oppressors. They have provided
army and police with superficial arguments to denigrate Papuan
opposition and civil-rights movements as being motivated by
foreign ulterior interests.
One immediate consequence of this that is a serious obstacle to
intervention by the central government is that army and police have
managed to set through regulations prohibiting foreign journalists
to report from West Papua. Reports nevertheless reaching the center,
of maltreatment of the population by the apparatus, are for the
greater part simply declared subjective or false by said apparatus.
Indigenous journalists are blackmailed or otherwise prevented from
disclosing the true story.
As recent secretly brought-out videos of torture demonstrated,
access by independent reporters, foreign or local, would greatly
enhance public information, and give the central government the
political leverage it needs to take steps against missuse by army
and police personnel in West Papua. In the interest of defending
a unified Indonesia (NKRI), it is high time that journalists,
local and foreign, be allowed free and uncensored access to report
from West Papua!
|Date:|| ||22 March 2009|
|To:|| ||The Jakarta Post|
|Subject:|| ||Papua Police offer Rp 10 million (US$900) cash reward (March 21, 2009)|
The OPM attacked a police station in January, but that failed
to cause an outbreak of violence. Then the military sweeped
the area, and failing to catch the OPM members, went on a
rampage against civilians, killing more than a dozen men and
That caused the outbreak of violence!
The OPM are surely grateful to the military for that, and will
be sure to repeat such attacks, because it proved so easy to
provoke the military.
How sad, that some people just don't learn their lessons.
|Date:|| ||21 May 2001, 19:30 MET|
|To:|| ||The Jakarta Post|
|Subject:|| ||A Nation Awakes (editorial, 21 May 2001)|
In your May 21 editorial, 'A nation awakes', you write that, after the
founding of Budi Utomo in 1908, it took 20 years before the concept of
a unified country or nation called Indonesia emerged, i.e. in 1928.
This is a very widespread error. In reality, the concept of a unitary
state bearing the name Indonesia was formulated by Suwardi Suryaningrat
(the later Ki Hajar Dewantara) in an address at a memorial meeting to
celebrate the 10th anniversary of Budi Utomo in 1918. It was published
in the same year on pp. 27-48 in: Soembangsih, Gedenkboek Boedi-Oetomo
1908-20 Mei-1918, Amsterdam: Nederlandsch Indie Oud & Nieuw (1918). The
author spoke of anIndonesian state unity' (Indonesische Staatseenheid;
see p. 47).
The concept of common belonging to one country named Indonesia soon
became widespread among Islamic as well as among leftist activists
at home as well as abroad. The student organisation in Cairo called
itself 'Indonesian' since around 1923, and the delegation headed by
Mohammad Hatta to the 6th International Peace Congress in Paris in
1926 was also officially established as the delegation of 'Indonesia'.
It is perhaps also worth mentioning, that even the communists in
Indonesia referred to themselves as 'Indonesian' since 1924.
It's high time, I think, that the urban legend of emergence of the
concept of a unitary Indonesia only in 1928 is dismissed. When young
Indonesians from the various islands met in 1928 to pledge to a
unitary Indonesia, the concept had been nurtured by their elders for
10 years already.
|Date:|| ||11 Mar 2001|
|To:|| ||The Jakarta Post|
|Subject:|| ||Donna Woodward's "Rule of law or tyranny of law?" (JP 8 Mar 2001)|
I sympathize wholeheartedly with Donna Woodward's cry of despair
over the dexterity of burocrats who use literal interpretations
to obviate due process of the law. Nevertheless, I beg to disagree
with her plea for greater interpretational flexibility.
Respect for the letter of the law is a fundamental principle in
democratic society and government by rule of law, and is still very
lacking in this country. The reason why its implementation has had
the atrocious workings Donna Woodward rightly deplores, is the
arbitrariness of only respecting the letter of the law when it
serves certain ulterior motives of influential persons.
At the present stage, it seems much more important to at first
reach general and universal implementation of the letter of the
law. When one has succeeded in reaching this still distant aim,
there will always be time to also learn to weigh statutory intent
against legal text. Even then, one will always have to accept
occasional failures in enforcement of the law. The wisdom of
letting a crook lose because of some formal procedural error,
for sake of the higher value of conformity with the law, I think,
is actually a principle of legality implying a relatively advanced
degree of civic maturity.
|Date:|| ||19 Feb 2001|
|To:|| ||New Zealand Herald|
|Subject:|| ||Re: Mike Subritzkys letter in NZ Herald, Wed, 14 Feb. 2001, p. A16|
Mike Subritzky's letter on Sino-Indonesian refugees wrongly associated
Indonesian Muslims with clandestinely financed terror groups claiming to
be Muslim activists in Indonesia. But the described crimes against
Sino-Indonesians were not committed even by these.
Published evidence sugests complicity of state apparatus of the previous
regime. Indonesians, Muslim and other, have overthrown the head of that
responsible regime. But the apparatus is still very much intact,
blackmailing democratic government and pro-democracy public.
The present refugees are poor wretches caught between two fronts. Having
fled Indonesia after the May 1998 violence and weeks of defencelessness,
when not getting raped or one's throat slit was a matter of accidentally
not being in the wrong place at the wrong time, they are deeply
traumatized. They didn't come to NZ for fun, or to bring damage to you.
They'd probably love nothing more than to return to Indonesia in peace.
But the peace in their minds will probably never be restored again, and
they have to make with exile in a far, unfamiliar, cold country, instead
of the comfort of their homeland.
But they face a coldhearted burocrat trying to get rid of them with some
slick legal formulas. So they answer in kind, and fight for their lives
with stories that fit the required data input for those slick formulas.
Killing in self defence is not a crime anywhere, I think, so Indonesian
Muslims needn't feel insulted.
Mr. Subritzky's summary libel of some 180 million Muslims is perhaps
not as dammaging as the actual criminals' still walking around free and
gloating even over the president. There's hardly anything more damaging,
I think, than criminals walking around demonstratively showing their
Mike Subritzky has meanwhile sent me a clarifying reply
|Date:|| ||11 Jan 2000, 19:08 MET|
|To:|| ||The Indonesian Observer|
|Subject:|| ||Irianese to be evacuated from Maluku (IO, 11 Jan 2000)|
I was deeply shaken by your report, that authorities are planning to
evacuate 200,000 Irianese from North Maluku and to resettle them in
Biak in West Irian. Instead of protecting the Irianese settlers on
the spot, they are forcing them back to their island of origin.
Irianese settlements in all parts of Indonesia outside West Irian
are a concrete manifestation of West Irianese unity with the rest
of Indonesia. Forcing them back to Irian runs parallel with the
tendency to separate West Irian from the rest of Indonesia.
How could the responsible authorities be so nearsighted, or is that
what they are in fact clandestinely driving at?
|Date:|| ||21 Sep 1999, 19:00 MET|
|To:|| ||TIME magazine|
|Subject:|| ||ASIA: Island of Death (TIME, 20 Sept 1999)|
Thank you for your elaborate coverage of the scandalous developments
in East Timor. The tragedy of this valiant small island nation has one
more aspect, an extremely significant one, which has remained mostly
unnoticed so far.
Throughout the 24 years of stiff resistance against Indonesian occupation,
the guerilla at home and the movement in exile never resorted to the
kind of terror known from other resistance movements. Inspite of weapon
deliveries and training for the Indonesian military from leading western
democracies, East Timorese freedom fighters never resorted to bombings,
hijacking of planes or ships, or other acts of terror against citizens of
those democracies or any other countries, or against their property.
The failure of the world community to protect the East Timorese from
reprisals for their trust and abidance to civilized rules of conduct
could have fatal consequences beyond the tragic deaths and destruction
on the island. All propounders of terrorism around the world could now
point to East Timor as example, that "it doesn't pay" to abide by the
There is only one way to stop this, and that is to make sure that all
the persons responsible for the carnage meet swift and inexorable justice.
This is too serious to allow for pragmatic protection of persons in high
position or other political hanky-panky to let the chief responsible off
the hook. How could one otherwise look relatives of victims of the next
"Lockerby" in the eyes?
You may be surprised, that an Indonesian like myself should write this.
But it is actually quite simple: the reprisals against the East Timorese
has also strengthened the position of the army inside Indonesia, where
they maintained a 34-year authoritarian regime only recently being
dismantled. Failure to punish the officers responsible for the Timorese
tragedy would also put prospects of re-establishment of democracy in
Indonesia, and alleviation of the current economic crisis in our country,
in grave danger.